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Ideological Instability and Post-Globalization in the Context of UN SDGs Implementation

Author: Washaya WASHAYA
Author affiliation(s): Doctoral student at the School of Global Economics and Development, Pôle Universitaire Euclide (Euclid University), Bangui, Central African Republic; Doctoral Fellow at the EUCLID Global Institute, Washington DC (United States)
Email contact: [email protected], [email protected]

Keywords: Africa, sustainable development goals, environmental, social, and economic, policy instability, the rule of law, ideological confusion, post-globalization, developing countries, political economy, Marxism, socialism, nationalism, capitalism, geo-economic vulnerabilities, geopolitical competition, governance, institutions, political will

IGOs: United Nations(UN),
World Bank (WB), International Monetary Fund, African Union(AU), UN Environment(UNEP), United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), African Development Bank (AfDB), World Trade Organization (WTO)

1.     Introduction

Policy stability is essential for the achievement of sustainable development goals (SDGs). The rule of law, institutionalism, and democracy are crucial for inclusive economic growth. Political gyrations scare away investors through the creation of hostile investment climates. The effects of government ideologies and short term electoral motives on the achievement of SDGs are a contemporary challenge. Post-globalization wave is also challenging ideological legitimacy and existing power arrangements resulting in the implementation of the sustainable development goals through partnerships evasive. The thrust of this research endeavor is to fathom the practicality of SDGs implementation under ideological disorientation and post-globalization.

The following are the research questions: How practically are SDGs implementable by governments in Zimbabwe, Albania, Venezuela, Greece, Colombia, South Africa, Malawi, CAR, Madagascar, Tanzania, Zambia, Mali, Uganda, Mozambique, Argentina, and Namibia? How do political gyrations affect foreign direct investment in the context of SDGs implementation in selected countries considering that investors need time for confidence? What are the effects of unstable ideologies on SDGs implementation in case countries? How practically are SDGs achievable under the rule of law frameworks in selected countries? Ideological disorientation and post-globalization narrative set the parameters upon which this research revolves spanning from 1995 to 2017.

2.     Background

The attempt by various developing states to create viable socialist political settlements produced negative development trajectory. While the majority of genuine socialist qualities remain far from being realized, this contemporary period has not seen necessary changes to the distribution of power and political institutions.[1]  These developments had substantial implications for economic transition through liberalization. In many developing countries, for example, Tanzania, the socialist period started with a more limited distribution of power meant to consolidate political power by institutional control of the state and suppressing outside political elements. The effects of socialism on commercial power distribution in Africa were much less successful than its political outcomes.[2]Given the short period of socialist economic policies impact, the achievements in the context of producing an industrial base were initially beautiful.

Furthermore, capitalist differentiation suppressed contextually. Attempts to accelerate agricultural productivity failed. State control of some industries through institutions and strict restrictions on foreign capital meant that the economic power of foreign capitalists reduced. The extension of state companies and market restrictions also reduced the role of role capitalists. Mutually clientelist networks made between those with economic clout and party political power. The Marxist-Leninist variance of socialism policies hinders sustainable growth trajectory.

The failure of socialism to avail a more effective economic transition signified that the surplus produced by the formal economy remained constrained. The problems that became evident in many countries that adopted socialism are well traceable, for example, the demise of Tanzania, Ghana, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. The central planning architecture in the four countries suffered from the same pitfalls of other socialist economies. As a result, many African countries were unable to change the underlying distribution of political, economic power adequately.  Even under socialism, there was a significant degree of informality that operated through and outside the political institutions in managing critical processes of political redistribution, primitive accumulation, and technology rents. The level of corruption and illegality involved in these crucial transformational agendas became increasingly apparent as liberalization progressed across Africa.[3] The comparative economic transition in the context of SDGs cannot be explained adequately across development contours without attempts to formulate a socialist political settlement necessary institutionalism, and power distribution. Mismatch of perceptions concerning economic reforms and restructuring of the state denotes that neoliberal ideology continues to produce adequate economic policies in developing countries.

While international institutions continue to advocate for neoliberal policies encouraging export-led growth and viable markets for foreign domination, other donor agencies contribute to a similar agenda by supporting decentralization programs. This ideology signifies governments as inefficient, intrusive, and against the tenets of free markets fundamentals. Neoliberalism supports the principles of liberal democracy, in defense of free markets, freedom of individuals, private property protection, and limited government intervention upon a foundation of the rule of law as well as public accountability through responsible government.[4] Liberalism diffuses power and achieves economic and political freedom, which is a prerequisite for the sustainable financial path.  In the context of the economic realm, …

Can Congestion Charging be a Solution to Beirut’s Chronic Traffic Problem?

Author: Harrouk TONY
Author affiliation(s): (1) School of Global Economics and Development, Pôle Universitaire Euclide (Euclid University); EUCLID Global Institute, Washington DC (United States)

Keywords: Common Resources, Negative Externalities, Traffic Jam, Air Pollution, Vehicle Emissions, Public Transportation, Supply-side and Demand-side measures, Congestion Charges, Tolls, Transport Infrastructure, Greater Beirut Area, Space Economics, Economic and Environmental Implications, Regressiveness

IGOs: The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate change (IPCC), World Bank (WB), World Health Organization (WHO), World Economic Forum (WEF)

  1. Introduction

“What is common to many is taken least care of, for all men have greater regard for what is their own than for what they possess in common with others.”[1] A saying by the ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle that dates a bit less than three millenniums. It describes the problem of common resources and their abuse. Nowadays, this problem persists even in more supine forms such as pollution and road congestion. The main purpose of this paper is to examine the application of the concept of “congestion charging” in Lebanon, and more specifically in the overcrowded Greater Beirut Area (GBA). Pertinent background information is exposed, highlighting some relevant history and the current situation as well as the economic implications of traffic jams.  Thereafter, the theory of congestion charging is exposed with real world examples and results. The analytical part focuses on the various anticipated effects of the application of congestion charging schemes. It is worth indicating that our study is qualitative, not quantitative. In other words, the discussion concerned the direction of variation of the parameters in question rather than the amount of the variation.

One last note about GBA. There, space is scarce and expensive. Accordingly, significant expansions of the road network prove exorbitant in cost, not to mention other negative implications. In fact, “More roads simply encourage more people to use their cars, to live farther away from work, and thus use more road space.”[2] Consequently, it is mandatory for the government of Lebanon to look for solutions to the congestion problem that are beyond the conventional supply and demand side measures.

2.     Background

The fifteen years war that erupted in 1975 brought serious damage to the transportation infrastructure of Lebanon, as well as degrading the public transport system. Several key infrastructure projects were implemented after the war aiming to upgrade this infrastructure and expand the network’s traffic capacity, namely at the main north, south, and east entrance corridors of the city. On the other hand, the concentration of activity around the capital is alarmingly on the rise. In excess of 40% of the nation’s total population currently lives in Beirut; a population that has grown substantially following the influx of Syrian refugees since 2011. This high concentration exacerbates the urban transportation challenges of the city, which rest on inappropriate infrastructure, gridlock traffic jam, high level air pollution, unregulated public transportation, and road mishaps. Consequently, the city’s urban development is gravely affected and traffic congestion is thought to be a main cause: “The congestion problem is increasing due to rapid motorization along with increased household income and growth of middle income households. Almost half of the total vehicles in Lebanon circulate in the GBA and the traffic volume in the GBA reaches 7,000 vehicles per hour in the northern entrance of Beirut.”[3]

To address such traffic jam problems, it is common among most nations to adopt supply-side actions such as the enlargement of road webs and the upgrading of the public transportation system. In parallel, demand-side measures are recently gaining attention: “In addition to these supply side responses, there is growing interest in using demand side measures, particularly fiscal or pricing reforms to address the broader societal costs (or negative externalities) of transportation systems. A more novel approach is congestion tolls, which economists have long advocated as an effective way of allocating scarce roadway capacity to the highest valued users.”[4] It is important to note here that, to ensure optimal outcome in resolving congestion problems, the 2017 Policy Research Working Paper of the World Bank recommends the sufficient availability of supply-side measures to complement the demand-side instruments. Such an availability proves crucial to ensure the sufficient substitution of private cars with mass transportation so as to ease up traffic.  A notable characteristic of the GBA is the restricted number of alternatives to the use of privately owned vehicles. For instance:

Motorization has rapidly increased despite the fact that import duties on vehicles account for more than 50% of a vehicle’s total value, the gasoline tax is one of the highest in the region and parking space is severely limited. The situation is worsened by the high cost of housing which causes people to reside away from the city center whereas most jobs are concentrated there. The city also lacks a reliable public transportation system. The GBA’s transportation system …

The Ongoing Ebola Outbreak in the Democratic Republic of Congo: A Situation Report Covering from August 2018 to March 2019

Author: Hippolyte TEN
1 Author affiliation(s): (1) School of Global Health and Bioethics, Pôle Universitaire Euclide (Euclid University), Bangui (Central
African Republic) and Greater Banjul (Republic of the Gambia) / EUCLID Global Institute, Washington DC (United States)

Keywords: Ebola, outbreak, Congo, W.H.O., case-fatality, insecurity

IGOs: Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS),  African Union (AU), European Union (EU), United Nations (UN)


Conflict Resolution and Peace Building Initiatives in West Africa: A Study of the Role of ECOWAS in Managing the Malian Crisis from 2012 to 2016

Author: Olalekan Samuel Afolabi

Author affiliation(s): (1) School of Diplomacy and International Affairs, Pôle Universitaire Euclide (Euclid University), Bangui (Central African Republic) and Greater Banjul (Republic of the Gambia) / EUCLID Global Institute, Washington DC (United States); (2) Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)
* Olalekan Samuel Afolabi, 12, Sam Nujoma Estate, Galadimawa, Abuja, Nigeria, +2347038232797, [email protected]

Keywords: Conflict resolution, Mediation, Exclusionary political system, Mali, ECOWAS

IGOs: Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), African Union (AU), European Union (EU), United Nations (UN)

1.     Introduction

In March 2012, Mali’s government was overthrown in a military coup. Insurgents, capitalizing on the ensuing power vacuum, seized much of the country’s vast and sparsely populated northern territory. As of early January 2013, three loosely connected Islamist extremist groups – including Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization – reportedly controlled all major towns in the north, an area roughly the size of Texas. While the number of Islamist insurgent combatants appears to be small, they have become increasingly entrenched, ousting an ethnic Tuareg separatist group with which they were initially allied and recruiting adherents among local populations.[1] Meanwhile, the post-coup, civilian-led government in Bamako has been weakened by internal divisions and military interference, while years of corruption and mismanagement appear to have hollowed out many state institutions. Mali’s leaders also face stark economic constraints amid a national recession and revenue crisis.[2]  A regional food security crisis, exacerbated by population displacements from northern Mali, also continues to cause suffering, leading to both security and humanitarian crises.

The West African sub-region has witnessed a number of post-independence violence that has led to civil wars and rude interruption of democratic processes by the military and other groups  struggling for political power. As a result, military rule became rampant and political instability almost became a norm with military intervention in politics in virtually all the countries in the sub-region. This situation worsened the security challenges in the sub-region. In an attempt to address these challenges and stabilize the sub-region, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), formed in 1975 for the purpose of promoting economic integration of its members, was compelled to adopt promotion of peace and security among its member as a cardinal objective. This was first demonstrated with ECOWAS intervention in Liberia and Sierra Leone in the 1990s after their civil wars through the operationalization of the Protocol on Non-Aggression (1978) and the Protocol on Mutual Assistance on Defense (1981).[3]  These protocols marked the beginning of the realization by West African leaders that security is linked to economic integration. If there is no security, ECOWAS cannot achieve its aim of regional integration.

ECOWAS intervention in the 2012 Malian conflict was necessitated by its various protocols on peace and security agreed upon by all the members of the organization. This paper seeks to examine the nature and scope of the conflict, and the level of involvement of ECOWAS in the resolution of the conflict, with the aim of attempting to provide plausible recommendations to the policy makers at regional and international levels.

2.     The 2012 Malian Conflict and its Implications for West Africa and Beyond

From 1960 to 2013, there have been four different peace accords as a result of four different rebellions (1963 – 1964, 1990 – 1996, 2006 – 2009, and 2012 – 2013) experienced in Mali. The first Tuareg rebellion was started in 1963 soon after the country gained her independence in 1960. The Kidal-centered Kel Adagh Tuareg confederation took up arms against the new government as a result of a combination of factors.  Notable among them is the enactment and application of some socio-economic policies which the Tuareg considered unfavorable to them but in favor of communities that traditionally had been subordinate to the Tuaregs. As a result of the brutal way the Malian government responded to the crisis, and the demand for retribution from the Arabs and Tuaregs, there was no peace accord for this conflict.[4]  The government thereafter established an antagonistic relationship with the north leaving a lingering resentment.

The second Tuareg rebellion was triggered by the state policies that were perceived to systematically favor the southern region over the northern region, coupled with successive droughts that badly affected the region’s economy, particularly the ability of the nomadic Tuareg populations to sustain themselves. There ensued an intense and prolonged fighting between the Malian Army and the Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MPLA) which eventually made the government of Moussa Traore, agree to enter into negotiations with the leaders of the movement in Tamanrasset, Algeria, thus resulting in a peace accord between Malian government, and the MPA (formerly the MPLA) on January 6, 1991.[5] The agreement was however not implemented, as Traore was overthrown in a military coup …

Attaining Sustainable Development in Africa through the Promotion of Good Governance and Adherence to the UN SDGs

Author: Folawiyo Kareem Olajoku, Ph.D.
Author affiliation(s): (1) School of Global Business and Economics, Pôle Universitaire Euclide (Euclid University), Bangui, Central African Republic; (2) EUCLID Global Institute, Washington DC (United States); (3) FKO Investments and Research, Lagos, Nigeria
Email contact: [email protected]

Keywords: Africa, sustainable development goals, social, and economic, policy instability, the rule of law, good governance, economic growth, and development

IGOs: United Nations Development Program (UNDP), World Bank (WB), African Union (AU), African Development Bank (AfDB)

A R T I C L E  I N F O   A B S T R A C T
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  The developing world, most notably Africa, is rich in human and natural resources. Africa is well-endowed with fertile lands for agriculture and is home to five of the world’s top oil-producing nations, with an estimated 57% of Africa’s export earnings coming from hydrocarbons. This paper showcases the problems and possible policy solutions associated with moving Africa from its present state of stalled development to a sustainable developed economy. This paper further highlighted the positive impact of good governance which often transcend to economic growth and development. These are indispensable for sustainable development when it is well distributed towards social improvement through poverty reduction and minimization of the level of income inequality. Economic development deals with the social, economic, political and institutional framework, both private and public, necessary to bring about rapid improvement in the growth of any economy. In addition, economic development simply relates to the increase in the absolute size of capital or annual production regardless of the size of the population. This study argues that good governance impacts economic growth and that development will be seen through job creation, local economic impact, human capital as well as social investment. A positive shift in economic performance can lead to commensurate progress in social development. A principal factor in accessing sustainable social development is social equity, which serves as one of the principal values underlying sustainable development, with people and their quality of life being recognized as a central issue.
Keywords: Africa, sustainable development goals, social, and economic, policy instability, the rule of law, good governance, economic growth, and development



IGOs: United Nations Development Program (UNDP),

World Bank (WB), African Union (AU), African Development Bank (AfDB)













1.      Introduction

The low level of development in the developing world most especially in Africa is partly due to wealth unequally distributed, the existence of the personal rule paradigm, the lack of good governance and massive corruption by heads of government. Empirical evidence showed that, both in developed and in developing economies, countries have relatively high GDP per capita but low indicators of development such as literacy, rate of infant mortality, access to drinking water, life expectancy, education, etc. This is partly due to wealth being unequally distributed and has shown in cases of relatively low GDP per capita and high indicators of development in countries where income is more equally distributed. Human development is a process that allows for an environment where people enjoy long, healthy and creative lives is regarded as a better measure of well-being.[1] Human development is measured using the Human Development Index (HDI) of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

Investments in Human Development increase both aggregate demand and effective quality of life. A better quality of life will generate a better and more skilled labour force, with positive effects on economic growth. HDI is a more realistic measure for economic development than the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). In all economics, GDP is the only magnitude that is expected to grow forever – never to reach an economic limit at which the marginal cost of further growth becomes greater than the marginal benefits. Investments in Human Development raises both aggregate demand and effective quality of life. Investment in human capital can quash many of the characteristics of the labour force that act as impediments to greater productivity such as lack of incentive and immorality, poor health, illiteracy, unreceptive to new knowledge, and fear of change.[2]

2.      Under-Development in Developing Nations

Under-development refers to when resources are not used to their optimal socio-economic capacity or potential, with the result that regional or local development is slower than they should. Underdeveloped nations are often distinguished by a large percentage of disparity between the poor and rich populations, and a weak balance of trade. A developing nation can also be called a less developed nation or underdeveloped nation. An underdeveloped nation is a nation with a low human development index (HDI) and an industrial base that is less developed relative to other nations.[3] There is no specific agreement that makes a nation developed and less developed and which nations fit the two categories, however, there …